Are Bowlby's ideas still relevant?
The Need for Secondary Attachment Figures in Childcare
History of attachment theory
Criticism and controversy
In the light of changes to the family since 1950 are Bowlby's ideas
about care for young children still relevant today?
In this paper Bowlby's theory of attachment and child care will be outlined along with additions from other theorists such as Rutter and Ainsworth. From this we will see how the evolution of the family unit since 1950s has been affected by such theories along with welfare policy and social theorists which have influenced family life and child care practices in the UK.
Bowlby described attachment as the bond that develops between a baby and its primary caregiver. It is characterised by the interaction patterns which develop in order to fulfil the infants' needs and emotional development. Bowlby noted the apparent distress in children separated from their mothers in unusual circumstances e.g. hospitalisation. In studying the more abnormal and distressing situations he attempted to shed light on an understanding of normal emotional attachment development, and how a disruption could prove damaging to the child emotionally and through to adult maturation.
Bowlby suggested that the presence of the mother was just as crucial to the baby as being supplied basic needs such as food. His conclusions led him to postulate that the distress at separation from the mother was universal in babies. Bowlby characterised this distress as following the pattern of infant protest, followed by despair and ending in eventual detachment. The term 'separation anxiety' was brought about echoing ethological survival techniques in which patterns of actions enable survival of young animals. Such ideas influenced Bowlby in postulating a significant period attachment of one to five years which was imperative historically to biological survival, and if were not in place then emotional and intellectual problems would occur in adulthood.
This can be seen as a rigid attitude and has played a large part in influencing childcare decisions through the establishment of a connection between maternal absence, child care (including institutional and foster care) and later developmental problems. Studies from Rutter and Ainsworth have agreed with an attachment principle but have developed it to include situational variables such as previous home life, relationships, depth of bonding and care and reasons and reactions of the caregiver in dealing with an absence and return situation that can have an effect on the child above any basic separation. The length of absence, quality of care giving within that absence and inherent flexibility and adaptability of infants as well as their capability to make multiple attachments all need to be taken into account within this area.
During the 1940s Bowlby made a connection between the attachment of an infant and mother and the shaping of an infants personality. From this an association was placed on the mother caring for the child instead of working. At this time welfare policies were focussed on a post war development of the family, and working freedoms afforded to women during the war were heavily curtailed as was war time nursery care. Popular policies suggested women should now be investing in their families as a duty.
Thus if women workers were not being encouraged politically as an economic asset then child care policy provision was also diminished. Here Bowlbys ideas fueled policy through popularising images of home based child care and family values by experts. Rutter later influenced changes through his findings of multiple attachment making in children - although stressed that continuity of attachment was important. He was in support of child day care as long as it was continuous and high quality, although a preference of parental care was suggested by Rutter.
There is a difficulty in isolating variables which result in positive and negative attachments. Indeed some feminists argue that stay at home mothers are often at risk of harming their children through an inability to cope and lack of support from immediate or extended family. Associated with this argument is that of the risk from domestic violence which increases isolation and effects the development of the child - even if the primary caregiver is ever present. From the 1950s an increased development of the nuclear family has been argued to provide a duel function. In this the family is seen to provide close personal relationships and act as an economic strategy for development and to maintain stability and control.
Such evolution of the family has been characterised by transience and isolation of family units from the extended family and community itself. A close knit extended family can provide more options for child care and support where as otherwise external methods of care are needed. If maternal proximity with the under fives is crucial then entire communities would be maladjusted by design and this clearly cannot be held across the board.
Again the issue of consistency and quality over quantity of child care can be bought to view. Popular media along with welfare policies have in recent years sought to not only improve child care and rearing practices, provide support, normalise differing household situations such as lone parent, and expansion and regulation of child day care provision. Feminist theory has been at the forefront of womens re- entry to workforce as well as a normalisation of divorce and single parent or co-habiting (step) households. On the other hand the feminist push for womens employment rights has resulted in inevitable contradictions as women are pulled in both directions, and indeed even the act of having children at all is currently considered heavily in an economic light due to the increased cost of living and childcare fees.
Nowadays we can see increased governmental intervention in support of the family in the form of lengthening maternity and paternity and parenting care rights, childrens rights, tax credits, flexible working, child care and pre-school provisions and subsidies, and the importance of family environment and child security building in issues of fostering and child protection. Thus the family by whatever shape of form it may take in the UK is heavily affected by economic requirement and government policy provision. It is now the norm for women to work as well as be responsible for child care and household upkeep. Subsequently it is the norm for mothers to be separated from babies before their first birthday due to monetary need - and often this has to be longer than desirable due to a cycle of economic need and high child care fees.
Overall, I can conclude that Bowlbys ideas although outdated have persisted through the decades and still influence child rearing and day care decisions. It can be seen as persisting in governmental policy to this day for example, in maternity leave being extended to cover twelve months leave - Bowlby would surely support this move. In all Bowlbys ideas of attachment and primary parental care giving remain pervasive and are ingrained within the family unit in the UK, although an acknowledgement of multiple attachments and quality of child care are now highlighted over simply the primary care givers proximity.
Sir Richard Bowlby
Examining the causes of stress in babies and toddlers in group childcare.
Throughout human evolution, mothers have been helped to care for their young by members of the extended family. Some of these will have known the baby since birth and become secondary attachment figures, and their motivation to provide care would have come from shared attachment bonds. Then, the carer and baby would have had ready access to mother for feeding on demand and co-sleeping at night, and would usually have been within sight or earshot of her. Of course we don’t have absolute scientific proof that this description is correct, but there’s a very high probability that it is.
Most of science is based on the probability of a theory being correct, and if a theory is still current after many years of critical investigation, there’s a high probability that it is correct. Attachment theory has been attacked, praised and tested from many angles. It was first outlined in 1958 and nearly 50 years later it has emerged as the world’s largest subject of academic research into child development - in October 2006 there were more than 500,000 sites listed on Google referencing “attachment-theory”.
I grew up with attachment theory and since 1994 I’ve been studying it and gathering information from conferences and discussions with practitioners and academics. I’m not a scientist, but my father John Bowlby was, and attachment theory has been so thoroughly tested by scientists that there is now a very high probably of its being correct. My views are based mostly on scientific research findings and partly on circumstantial evidence.
Primary and secondary
The term primary attachment figure refers to the person with whom a child develops a lifelong emotional bond, and whom they most want to be with when they are frightened or hurt - usually but not necessarily their birth mother. The term secondary attachment figure refers to the few special people in children’s lives with whom they have developed a close subsidiary or secondary attachment bond such as siblings, grandparents, nannies or childminders and especially
fathers. Having three or more of these secondary attachment relationships usually increases children’s resilience to stress and acts as a protective factor.
Secure and insecure attachment
Secure attachment is when children have a predictable and safe affectionate bond with their attachment figure (either the primary or a secondary). Securely attached infants aged between about 6 and 30 months are not usually affected by a few hours of separation a day from their primary attachment figure if they’re being looked after by a person with whom they have developed a secure secondary attachment bond. When these carers are consistent, sensitive and
responsive they can benefit toddlers’ social and cognitive development and provide support to families. Children older than 36 months often benefit socially and cognitively from having about 2 or 3 hours a day of high quality pre-school nursery education.
Insecure attachment is when children have a less predictable bond with an attachment figure (either primary or secondary), and by itself insecure attachment is very difficult to identify unless the Strange Situation Procedure is employed. Insecure attachment is found in approximately 40% of toddlers in the UK and USA and is acknowledged as a risk factor that often contributes to the mental health problems of children and adults. Insecurely attached toddlers are less emotionally robust and more vulnerable to separation distress than securely attached toddlers.
Risk factors that contribute to emotional disturbance in children vary in their severity. Serious risk factors include being accommodated or looked after in care, having parents who are chronically neglectful or have a drug or alcohol problem, or who are abusive or violent. Childhood risk factors that are not as serious include parental depression, young unsupported parenthood and lack of parenting skills. The effects of these are exaggerated by poverty. Children with one or even two of the less serious risk factors may not appear to be too upset by them, but having three or more
in combination is likely to result in significant emotional or behavioural problems. Another example of a risk factor is when children become primarily attached to a carer, who then leaves the family and the child’s primary attachment bond is broken. The chances of becoming primarily attached to a carer are more likely:-
• when the baby starts being cared for before they’re 6 months old
• when the carer spends more time with the baby than the primary attachment figure does
• when the carer is living in the baby’s family home
• when the carer comforts the baby at night
• when the carer is unclear about relationship boundaries.
Attachment based childcare
One childcare model which can minimise the risk factors for babies and toddlers is attachment based childcare where, for instance, a family group allows a carer to provide age appropriate care for each child. The sort of features thatdistinguish attachment based childcare are:-
that babies and toddlers between the ages of 6 and 30 months have access to a trusted secondary attachment figure whenever their primary attachment figure is not available to them
that carers look after no more than three children well spaced in age: one aged 6 to 18 months, one between 18 and 36 months, and one over 36 months
that carers have sufficiently energy, and are trained and supported to meet the physical and emotional demands of the babies, toddlers and young children in their care
that babies’ and toddlers’ secondary attachment needs are met, maintained and monitored.
that carers’ emotional attachment to the children they care for is sensitively supported and monitored
that parents are supported in maintaining their child’s primary attachment bond to them.
Before starting in childcare, babies must already have formed a primary attachment bond to the person who’s raising them long term (usually but not necessarily the birth mother) during the first 6 to 9 months of life. Even the most sensitive non-parental daycare is usually more stressful to babies and toddlers between 6 and 30 months, than home care with their primary attachment figure. However, having age appropriate amounts of daycare with a secondary attachment figure does not seem to constitute a significant long-term risk factor for either secure or insecure children.
Note In particular circumstances some toddlers can benefit from daycare with a sensitive secondary attachment figure
Attachment theory focuses on the quality of the loving bond between parents and children, and although the theory is widely accepted as being scientifically valid, there still remains a resistance to it in some quarters. I think this is partly due to the emotional nature of the childhood memories that may be awakened by studying it, and partly due to its implications for modern-day family life. One area that worries parents and researchers is that some babies are being looked after by unfamiliar carers and lack continuity in personalised care-giving.
Babies and toddlers younger than about 30 months have the right hemisphere of their brain developing more rapidly and exerting more control over them than the left side of their brain. The right side is where intuitive skills develop which are needed for relationships, emotions, and the empathic understanding of another person’s feelings. These unconscious skills are learned by babies and toddlers whilst experiencing them over and over again, and it’s the quality
of the relationships and the feelings they experience day after day that can have a significant influence on their developing brain. These formative early experiences cannot be consciously recalled by the child later on, because they occur during the pre-verbal phase of brain development.
By about 36 months, toddlers’ brains have undergone a very significant change. The growth spurt of the right side of the brain has slowed down and the sensitive period for developing social and emotional intelligence has made way for a growth spurt on the left side instead. The left side of the brain then becomes dominant, and promotes the development of complex speech and the ability to remember past events and anticipate future ones.
Stress and cortisol.
Although cortisol is the stress hormone, normal levels are needed by the body for healthy functioning, and cortisol will rise and fall throughout the day depending on many different physiological and psychological factors. However, babies and toddlers have extremely fragile brains that are developing very rapidly, and some researchers are growing very concerned about babies and toddlers who have elevated levels of cortisol all day. Researchers worry that because
babies’ brains develop in response to the neurochemicals in their body, their brains may become adapted to high levels of cortisol, and this may be affecting children’s ability to control their emotions and behaviour.
Researchers have found that many babies and toddlers have elevated levels of cortisol whilst experiencing certain forms of group daycare. The causes may include physiological stress from loud noises, minor accidents, conflicts and aggressive play, or from psychological stress if they lack continuity of personalised care-giving. Group daycare does not naturally lend itself to babies and toddlers developing an enduring secondary attachment bond to one carer. This may be because babies and toddlers have more than one carer providing their needs each day, and some carers may not have the time or inclination to form an attachment to a child, and some carers may be young and not intending to stay in post very long. Sometimes babies or toddlers do form attachments but policy may require babies to move to new groupings, or for carers to be moved to other duties. If this happens too frequently the pain of loss can make babies reluctant to form a secondary attachment bond to another carer. The combination of both physiological and
psychological stress may account for the elevated levels of cortisol associated with some centre based group daycare.
Note The occasional loss of a secondary attachment figure need not be too distressing to a toddler if sensitively handled, but regular swapping of carers to prevent any attachment bond developing can be a risk factor.
Babies and toddlers between the age of 6 and 30 months who do not receive sensory evidence (sight, sound, touch, smell or taste) that any of their known and trusted attachment figures are present, will have an instinctive feeling that the situation is becoming dangerous. This will induce some level of fear and raise their cortisol levels. At this age their emergency response to fear is flight-towards an attachment figure, and the longer there is no sensory input from a trusted attachment figure, the greater the level of danger sensed, especially if the surroundings are not very familiar.
When left by their primary attachment figure, most babies and toddlers who have not had the opportunity to develop a secondary attachment to one carer, will initially protest by crying and searching for their attachment figure.
When this does not result in reunion, the instinctive reaction of some babies and younger toddlers is to become a bit subdued or withdrawn, (although others appear to manage better). This compliant behaviour is usually seen as the toddler settling in and accepting their new surroundings, but their level of cortisol is often elevated which indicates that they’re stressed, and if they then sense danger some may ‘freeze’ or ‘still’. This situation is more common in group
settings which lack continuity in personalised care-giving.
Note This reminds me of toddlers in the 1950’s when they were left in hospital without an attachment figure.
When securely attached babies and toddlers are eventually reunited with their primary attachment figure, and receive enough time and sensitive attention, they are usually able to be sufficiently comforted that their cortisol level returns to normal before bedtime, and in the morning the cycle can start again. Without additional risk factors, securely attached babies and toddlers appear to tolerate this cycle of daily separation and repair without noticeable long term effects.
Nevertheless childcare in the absence of an attachment figure is likely to be a risk factor which usually goes undetected, increasing children’s vulnerability to the impact of any additional risk factors they may experience later on.
Some babies and toddlers who are insecurely attached to their primary attachment figure and experience long periods without access to an attachment figure may have continuously elevated levels of cortisol. When they are reunited with their primary attachment figures, the insecurity in the relationships may prevent some of these babies and toddlers from being adequately comforted, and their cortisol level may not be returned to normal before bedtime. By morning the cortisol level may still be elevated and the cycle continues.
Two risk factors
Toddlers have a risk factor if they are insecurely attached to their primary attachment figure; some securely attached toddlers in group daycare without an attachment figure present may have a risk factor. If toddlers are both insecurely attached and have no access to an attachment figure they may be experiencing two risk factors that are difficult to detect individually, but which acting together produce small but noticeable increases in aggressive and disruptive
Three risk factors
A third risk factor to children is insensitively handled parental separation. If it’s well handled it can usually be tolerated by securely attached children if they have no other risk factors. But if insecure attachment is added to regular care without an attachment figure, and then there is family breakdown as well, the three risk factors acting together will usually overwhelm children, and can result in the sort of behavioural and emotional problems we are increasingly seeing today. It’s worth noting that these attachment risk factors impact children’s ability to make stable relationships.
My final conclusions are as follows. Many toddlers’ receive a risk factor at home from insecure attachment, and another risk factor from any sort of childcare where there is not a ‘good enough’ secondary attachment figure. These two risk factors are becoming normalised within society and are hidden contributors to children’s future social and emotional problems. A combination of three or more risk factors has a high probability of producing increased levels of behavioural problems and emotional instability.
By reorganising childcare to provide secondary attachment bonds for babies and toddlers we can remove one increasingly common risk factor. Several childminders can work co-operatively in professionally supported and monitored groups or networks; parents could be allowed to use their childcare allowance to pay grandmother or other relative to care for their child, or a parent could choose to use the allowance to stay home themselves.
In a society which encourages both parents to work outside the home while their children are under three, it is attachment focused childcare arrangements that have a crucial role to play in facilitating the healthy emotional development of children.
It is in our power to provide this if we care enough about our children’s wellbeing. It can be done!
Mother Nature, Sarah Blaffer Hrdy, 1999.
Fifty Years of Attachment Theory, R. Bowlby, 2004.
The Nature of the Child’s Tie to His Mother, I. J. of Psycho-Analysis, J. Bowlby, 1958.
Attachment and Loss, vol. I Attachment, J. Bowlby 1969.
Attachment and Loss, vol. II Separation, J. Bowlby 1973.
Transition to Child Care: Associations With Infant-Mother Attachment, Infant Negative Emotion, and Cortisol
Elevations. Ahnert, Gunnar, Lamb, Barthel. Child Development, 2004.
Early Child Care and Children’s Development in the Primary Grades: Follow-Up Results from the NICHD Study of
Early Child Care, NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, American Educational Research Journal, 2005
Affect Regulation and the Origin of the Self, A.N. Schore, 1994.
Adolescent Mental Health Problems on the Increase. Maughan et al J. of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 2004.
Maternal and Perrinatal Risk Factors for Later Delinquency, Farrington and West, 1993.
Observational Study of Daycare at the Soho Family Centre, Barnard (in preparation 2006)
Raising Babies: should under 3s go to nursery, Steve Biddulph 2006.
Why Love Matters: how affection shapes a baby’s brain. Sue Gerhardt, 2004.
Sir Richard Bowlby.
President, Centre for Child Mental Health.
Patron, Soho Family Centre.
Boundary House, Wyldes Close, London NW11 7JB.
Attachment theory, originating in the work of John Bowlby, is a psychological, evolutionary and ethological theory that provides a descriptive and explanatory framework for understanding interpersonal relationships between human beings. Attachment theorists consider the human infant to have a need for a secure relationship with adult caregivers, without which normal social and emotional development will not occur.
Within attachment theory, infant behaviour associated with attachment is primarily a process of proximity seeking to an identified attachment figure in stressful situations, for the purpose of survival. Infants become attached to adults who are sensitive and responsive in social interactions with the infant, and who remain as consistent caregivers for some months during the period from about six months to two years of age. During the later part of this period, children begin to use attachment figures (familiar people) as a secure base to explore from and return to. Parental responses lead to the development of patterns of attachment which in turn lead to internal working models which will guide the individual's feelings, thoughts and expectations in later relationships.
Separation anxiety or grief following serious loss are normal and natural responses in an attached infant. An extreme deficit in appropriate parenting can lead to a lack of attachment behaviours in a child and may result in the rare disorder known as reactive attachment disorder.
Father and babyDevelopmental psychologist Mary Ainsworth, an important figure in the formulation and development of attachment theory, introduced the concept of the "secure base" and developed a theory of a number of attachment patterns or "styles" in infants in which distinct characteristics were identified; these were secure attachment, avoidant attachment, anxious attachment and, later, disorganised attachment. Other theorists subsequently extended attachment theory to adults. Methods exist for measurement of attachment patterns in older infants and adults, although measurement in middle childhood is problematic. In addition to care-seeking by children, one may construe other interactions as including some components of attachment behaviour; these include peer relationships of all ages, romantic and sexual attraction, and responses to the care needs of infants or sick or elderly adults.
In order to formulate a comprehensive theory of the nature of early attachments, Bowlby explored a range of fields including evolution by natural selection, object relations theory (psychoanalysis), control systems theory, evolutionary biology and the fields of ethology and cognitive psychology.
There were preliminary papers from 1958 onwards but Bowlby published the full theory in the trilogy Attachment and Loss, 1969–82. Although in the early days academic psychologists criticized Bowlby and the psychoanalytic community ostracised him, attachment theory has become the dominant approach to understanding early social development and given rise to a great surge of empirical research into the formation of children's close relationships.
There have been significant modifications as a result of empirical research but attachment concepts have become generally accepted. Criticism of attachment theory has been sporadic, some of it relating to an early precursor hypothesis called "maternal deprivation", published in 1951. Past criticism came particularly from within psychoanalysis, and from ethologists in the 1970s. More recent criticism relates to the complexity of social relationships within family settings, and the limitations of discrete patterns for classifications. There are current efforts to evaluate a number of interventions and treatment approaches, that are based on applications of attachment theory.
Within attachment theory, attachment means a bond or tie between an individual and an attachment figure. Between two adults, such bonds may be reciprocal and mutual; however, as felt by children toward a parental or caregiving figure, such bonds are likely to be asymmetric. The reason for this is inherent in the theory: it proposes that the need for safety and protection, which is paramount in infancy and childhood, is the basis of the bond. The theory posits that children attach to carers instinctively, with respect to ways of achieving security, survival and, ultimately, genetic replication. Attachment theory is not intended as an exhaustive description of human relationships, nor is it synonymous with love and affection; these may indicate that bonds exist but the bonds proposed by the theory presuppose needs. In the case of child-to-adult relationships, the child's tie is the "attachment" and the caregiver's reciprocal equivalent is referred to as the "caregiving bond".
Almost from the first, many children have more than one figure towards whom they direct attachment behaviour, but these figures are arranged in hierarchical order with the "principal attachment figure" at the top. If the figure is unavailable or unresponsive, separation distress occurs and the anticipation of such an occurrence arouses separation anxiety. Bowlby distinguished between alarm and anxiety: "alarm" was the term he used for activation of the attachment behavioural system caused by fear of danger, while "anxiety" was the fear of being cut off from the attachment figure (caregiver).
Infants will form attachments to any consistent caregiver who is sensitive and responsive in social interactions with the infant. The quality of the social engagement appears to be more influential than amount of time spent. Although it is usual for the principal attachment figure to be the biological mother, the role can be taken anybody who behaves in a "mothering" way over a consistent period, a set of behaviours that involve engaging in lively social interaction with the infant and responding readily to signals and approaches. Attachment theory accepts the customary primacy of the mother as the main caregiver and therefore the person who interacts most with a young child, but there is nothing in the theory to suggest that fathers are not equally likely to become principal attachment figures if they happen to provide most of the childcare and related social interaction.
The attachment behavioural system serves to maintain or achieve closer proximity to the attachment figure, although its many diverse behaviours may be used in other behaviour systems. Attachment has also been described as an attitude, or readiness for certain behaviours, that one person displays toward another. This attitude involves seeking proximity to the attachment figure and may include a variety of other attachment behaviours. However many attachment behaviours are likely to occur only in threatening or uncomfortable circumstances such as the approach of an unfamiliar person. Thus, attachment may be present without being displayed behaviourally, and it may be impossible to measure its presence without creating such circumstances.
Infant exploration is greater when the caregiver is present; with the caregiver present, the infant's attachment system is relaxed and it is free to explore. If the caregiver is inaccessible or unresponsive, attachment behaviour is strongly activated.
Between the ages of six months to two years, the child's behaviour towards the caregiver becomes organised on a goal-directed basis to achieve the conditions that make it feel secure. With the development of locomotion the infant begins to use the caregiver or caregivers as a safe base from which to explore. In adolescents, the role of the caregiver is to be available when needed while the adolescent makes sorties into the outside world.
Attachment theory uses a set of assumptions to connect observable human social behaviours; listed as follows:
Common human attachment behaviours and emotions are adaptive. Evolution of human beings has involved selection for social behaviours that make individual or group survival more likely. For example, the commonly observed attachment behaviour of toddlers includes staying near familiar people; this behaviour would have had safety advantages in the environment of early adaptation, and has such advantages today.
Bowlby termed proximity-seeking to the attachment figure in the face of threat to be the "set-goal" of the attachment behavioural system. There is a survival advantage in the capacity to sense possibly dangerous conditions such as unfamiliarity, being alone or rapid approach, and such conditions are likely to activate the attachment behavioural system causing the infant or child to seek proximity to the attachment figure.
Certain changes in attachment, such as the infant's coming to prefer a familiar caregiver and avoid strangers, are most likely to occur within the period between the ages of about six months and two or three years. Bowlby's sensitivity period has been modified to a less "all or nothing" approach. Although there is a sensitive period during which it is highly desirable that selective attachments develop, the time frame is probably broader and the effects not so fixed and irreversible. With further research,authors discussing attachment theory have come to appreciate that social development is affected by later as well as earlier relationships.
Robustness of development:
Attachment to and preferences for some familiar people are easily developed by most young humans, even under far less than ideal circumstances.
Experience as essential factor in attachment:
Infants in their first months have no preference for their biological parents over strangers and are equally friendly to anyone who treats them kindly. Human beings develop preferences for particular people, and behaviours which solicit their attention and care, over a considerable period of time.
Early steps in attachment take place most easily if the infant has one caregiver, or the occasional care of a small number of other people. According to Bowlby, almost from the first many children have more than one figure towards whom they direct attachment behaviour; these figures are not treated alike and there is a strong bias for a child to direct attachment behaviour mainly towards one particular person. Bowlby used the term "monotropy" to describe this bias to attach primarily to one figure. Researchers and theorists have effectively abandoned this concept insofar as it may be taken to mean that the relationship with the special figure differs qualitatively from that of other figures. Rather, current thinking postulates definite hierarchies of relationships.
Social interactions as cause of attachment:
Feeding and relief of an infant's pain do not cause an infant to become attached to a caregiver. Infants become attached to adults who are sensitive and responsive in social interactions with the infant, and who remain as consistent caregivers for some time.
Internal working model:
Early experiences with caregivers gradually give rise to a system of thoughts, memories, beliefs, expectations, emotions, and behaviours about the self and others. This system, called the internal working model of social relationships, continues to develop with time and experience and enables the child to handle new types of social interactions. For example, a child's internal working model helps him or her to know that an infant should be treated differently from an older child, or to understand that interactions with a teacher can share some of the characteristics of an interaction with a parent. An adult's internal working model continues to develop and to help cope with friendships, marriage, and parenthood, all of which involve different behaviours and feelings.
As attachment behaviours change with age, they do so in ways shaped by relationships, not by individual experiences. A child's behaviour when reunited with a caregiver after a separation is determined not only by how the caregiver has treated the child before, but on the history of effects the child has had on the caregiver in the past.
Consequences of disruption:
In spite of the robustness of attachment, significant separation from a familiar caregiver, or frequent changes of caregiver that prevent development of attachment, may result in psychopathology at some point in later life.
Specific attachment behaviours begin with predictable, apparently innate, behaviour in infancy, but change with age in ways that are partly determined by experiences and by situational factors. For example, a toddler is likely to cry when separated from his mother, but an eight-year-old is more likely to call out, "When are you coming back to pick me up?" or to turn away and begin the familiar school day.
Mary Ainsworth's innovative methodology and comprehensive observational studies, particularly those undertaken in Scotland and the Ganda, informed much of the theory, expanded its concepts and enabled its tenets to be empirically tested. She conducted research based on Bowlby's early formulation and identified different attachment styles or patterns which are not, strictly speaking, part of attachment theory but are very closely identified with it.
She devised a protocol known as the Strange Situation Protocol, still used today to assess attachment patterns in children, as the laboratory portion of a larger study that included extensive home visitations over the first year of the child's life. Her studies identified three attachment patterns that a child may have with its primary attachment figure: secure, anxious-avoidant (insecure) and anxious-ambivalent (insecure). Her work in the USA attracted many scholars into the field, inspiring research and challenging the dominance of behaviouralism.
Further research by Dr. Mary Main and colleagues at the University of California, Berkeley identified a fourth attachment pattern, called disorganised/disoriented attachment, which reflects these children's lack of a coherent coping strategy.
Other methods have been developed for the assessment of patterns in children beyond the age of 18 months. Research from the Minnesota longitudinal study assessed children at 12 and 18 months, four years, middle childhood, 13 years and 15 years and followed children into the school environment. Securely attached children were the least isolated and most popular, the most likely to respond empathically and the least likely to bully or be bullied. Bullies were most likely to be classified as anxious–avoidant and victims as anxious–ambivalent.
More recent research sought to ascertain the extent to which a parent's attachment classification is predictive of their children's classification; it found that parents' perceptions of their own childhood attachments predicted their children's attachment classifications 75% of the time. Each of the attachment patterns is associated with certain characteristic patterns of behaviour, as described in the following table:
Child and caregiver behaviour patterns:
Child: Protests caregiver's departure and is comforted on return, returning to exploration.
Caregiver: Responds appropriately, promptly and consistently to needs.
Child: Little or no distress on departure, little or no visible response to return. Quality of play often low.
Caregiver: Little or no response to distressed child. Discourages crying and encourages independence.
Child: Sadness on departure but warms to stranger. On return, ambivalence, anger, reluctance to warm to caregiver and return to play. Preoccupied with caregiver's availability.
Caregiver: Inconsistent between appropriate and neglectful responses.
Child: Stereotypies on return such as freezing or rocking. Lack of coherent coping strategy (such as approaching but with the back turned).
Caregiver: Frightened or frightening behaviour, intrusiveness, withdrawal, negativity, role confusion, affective communication errors and maltreatment.
Some authors have suggested continuous rather than categorical gradations between attachment patterns, and have discussed dimensions of underlying security rather than the classifications derived from Ainsworth's work
Changes in attachment after the infant-toddler period
According to Bowlby's theory, the child's early experience of social interactions with familiar people leads to the development of an internal working model of social relationships, a set of ideas and feelings that establish the individual's expectations about relationships, the behaviour of others toward him or her, and the behaviours appropriate for him or her to show to others. Age, cognitive growth, and continued social experience advance the development and complexity of the internal working model. As the internal working model of relationships advances, attachment-related behaviours lose some of the characteristics so typical of the infant-toddler period, and take on a series of age-related tendencies.
In considering the development of attachment behaviour and the internal working model after the toddler period, theorists have posited that the preschool period involves the use of negotiation, bargaining, and compromise as part of attachment behaviour, and that these social skills ideally become incorporated into the internal working model of social relationships, to be used with other children and later with adult peers. As children move into the school years, most develop a goal-corrected partnership with parents, in which each partner is willing to give up some desires in order to maintain the relationship in a gratifying form. Incorporation of this type of partnership into the internal working model prepares the growing child for later mature friendships, marriage, and parenthood. The mature internal working model of social relationships thus advances far beyond the basic desire to maintain proximity to familiar people, although this type of behaviour may continue to be present in times of threat or pain.
Relationships with peers have an influence distinct from that of parents but parent-child relationships can influence the peer relationships children form. For example, secure attachment status is said to promote social competence and positive peer relationships. Relationships formed with peers influence the acquisition of social skills, intellectual development and the formation of social identity. Classification of children's peer status (popular, neglected or rejected) has been found to predict subsequent adjustment; however, as with attachment to parental figures, subsequent experiences may well alter the course of development
Attachment in adults
Attachment theory was extended to adult romantic relationships in the late 1980s by Cindy Hazan and Phillip Shaver. Four styles of attachment have been identified in adults: secure, anxious-preoccupied, dismissive-avoidant, and fearful-avoidant.
Investigators have explored the organisation and the stability of mental working models that underlie these attachment styles. They have also explored how attachment functions in relationship dynamics and impacts relationship outcomes. Generally the concept of attachment style is used by social psychologists interested in romantic attachment, and the concept of attachment status by developmental psychologists interested in the individual's state of mind with respect to attachment. The latter is more stable, while the former fluctuates more.
Some authors have suggested that adults' internal working models do not involve a single perspective, but instead entail a hierarchy of models containing general ideas about close relationships, and within those, information related to specific relationships or even specific events within a relationship. One interesting idea about the hierarchy of models is that information at different levels need not be consistent.
Attachment in adults is commonly measured using the Adult Attachment Interview and self-report questionnaires. Self-report questionnaires have identified two dimensions of attachment, one dealing with anxiety about the relationship, and the other with avoidance in the relationship. Adult attachment research uses a wide variety of attachment measures. The most popular measure in social psychological research is the Experiences in Close Relationships-Revised scale.
The concept of infants' emotional attachment to caregivers has been known anecdotally for hundreds of years. Most early observers from the 1940s onward focused on the anxiety displayed by infants and toddlers when threatened with separation from a familiar caregiver.From the late nineteenth century onward, psychologists and psychiatrists suggested theories about attachment.
Freudian theory attempted a systematic consideration of infant attachment and attributed the infant's attempts to stay near the familiar person to motivation learned through feeding experiences and gratification of libidinal drives.
Parents and childIn the 1930s, the British developmentalist Ian Suttie put forward the suggestion that the child's need for affection was a primary one, not based on hunger or other physical gratifications. William Blatz, a Canadian psychologist and teacher of Bowlby's colleague Mary Ainsworth, was among the first to stress the need for security as a normal part of personality at all ages, as well as normality of the use of others as a secure base and the importance of social relationships for other aspects of development.
A third theory prevalent at the time of Bowlby's development of attachment theory was "dependency". This approach posited that infants were dependent on adult caregivers but that dependency was, or should be, outgrown as the individual matured. Such an approach perceived attachment behaviour in older children as regressive, whereas attachment theory assumes that older children and adults retain attachment behaviour and display it in stressful situations; indeed, a secure attachment is associated with independent exploratory behaviour rather than dependence. Current attachment theory focuses on social experiences in early childhood as the source of attachment in childhood and in later life. Bowlby developed attachment theory as a consequence of his dissatisfaction with existing theories of early relationships.
The early thinking of the object relations school of psychoanalysis and of Melanie Klein, in particular, influenced Bowlby. However he profoundly disagreed with the then prevalent psychoanalytic belief that infants' responses relate to their internal fantasy life rather than to real-life events. As Bowlby began to formulate his concept of attachment, he was influenced by many case studies on disturbed and delinquent children, including his own and those of Goldfarb. Bowlby's contemporary René Spitz made observations of separated children's grief and proposed that "psychotoxic" results were brought about by inappropriate experiences of early care. A strong influence was the work of social worker and psychoanalyst James Robertson who filmed the effects of separation on children in hospital and collaborated with Bowlby in making the 1952 documentary film A Two-Year Old Goes to the Hospital which was instrumental in a campaign to alter hospital restrictions on visiting by parents.
In his 1951 monograph for the World Health Organisation, Maternal Care and Mental Health, Bowlby put forward the hypothesis that "the infant and young child should experience a warm, intimate, and continuous relationship with his mother (or permanent mother substitute) in which both find satisfaction and enjoyment" and that lack of this experience may have significant and irreversible mental health consequences. This proposition was influential in terms of the effect on the institutional care of children, but highly controversial. There was limited empirical data at the time and no comprehensive theory to account for such a conclusion.
Following the publication of Maternal Care and Mental Health, Bowlby sought new understanding from such fields as evolutionary biology, ethology, developmental psychology, cognitive science and control systems theory; he drew upon these to formulate the innovative proposition that the mechanisms underlying an infant's tie emerged as a result of evolutionary pressure. He realised that he had to develop a new theory of motivation and behaviour control, built on up-to-date science rather than the outdated psychic energy model espoused by Freud. Bowlby argued that he had made good the "deficiencies of the data and the lack of theory to link alleged cause and effect" in "Maternal Care and Mental Health" in his later work "Attachment and Loss" published between 1969 and 1980.
The formal origin of attachment theory can be traced to the publication of two 1958 papers: Bowlby's The Nature of the Child's Tie to his Mother, in which the precursory concepts of "attachment" were introduced, and Harry Harlow's The Nature of Love, based on the results of experiments which showed, approximately, that infant rhesus monkeys spent more time with soft mother-like dummies that offered no food than they did with dummies that provided a food source but were less pleasant to touch. Bowlby followed this up with two more papers, Separation Anxiety (1960a), and Grief and Mourning in Infancy and Early Childhood (1960b). At about the same time, Bowlby's former colleague Mary Ainsworth was completing extensive observational studies on the nature of infant attachments in Uganda with Bowlby's ethological theories in mind. Ainsworth's innovative methodology and comprehensive observational studies informed much of the theory, expanded its concepts and enabled some of its tenets to be empirically tested. Attachment theory was finally presented in 1969 in Attachment, the first volume of the Attachment and Loss trilogy. The second and third volumes, Separation: Anxiety and Anger and Loss: Sadness and Depression followed in 1972 and 1980 respectively. Attachment was revised in 1982 to incorporate more recent research.
Bowlby's attention was first drawn to ethology when he read Konrad Lorenz's 1952 publication in draft form (although Lorenz had published much earlier work). Soon after this he encountered the work of Nikolaas Tinbergen, and began to collaborate with Robert Hinde. In 1953 Bowlby stated "the time is ripe for a unification of psychoanalytic concepts with those of ethology, and to pursue the rich vein of research which this union suggests".
Lorenz and his imprinted geese
Konrad Lorenz had examined the phenomenon of "imprinting" and felt that it might have some parallels to human attachment. Imprinting, a behaviour characteristic of some birds and a very few mammals, involves rapid learning of recognition and tendency to follow, by a young bird or animal exposed to a conspecific or an object or organism that behaves suitably. The learning is possible only within a limited age range, known as a critical period. On maturity, courtship behaviour is directed toward objects that resemble the imprinting object.
Bowlby's attachment concepts later included the ideas that attachment involves learning from experience during a limited age period, and that the learning that occurs during that time influences adult behaviour. However, he did not apply the imprinting concept in its entirety to human attachment, nor assume that human development was as simple as that of birds. He did, however, consider that attachment behaviour was best explained as instinctive in nature, an approach that does not rule out the effect of experience, but that stresses the readiness the young child brings to social interactions.Over time it became apparent there were more differences than similarities between attachment theory and imprinting and the analogy was dropped.
Psychoanalytical concepts and the earlier work of psychoanalysts also influenced Bowlby's view of attachment. In particular, he was influenced by observations of young children separated from familiar caregivers, as provided during World War II by Anna Freud and her colleague Dorothy Burlingham. Bowlby rejected psychoanalytical explanations for early infant bonds including the Freudian and early object relations "drive theory" in which the motivation for attachment derives from gratification of hunger and libidinal drives. He called this the "cupboard-love" theory of relationships. In his view both failed to see attachment as a psychological bond in its own right rather than an instinct derived from feeding or sexuality.
Thinking in terms of primary attachment and neo-darwinism, Bowlby identified what he saw as fundamental flaws in psychoanalysis, namely the overemphasis of internal dangers at the expense of external threat, and the picture of the development of personality via linear "phases" with "regression" to fixed points accounting for psychological illness. Instead he posited that several lines of development were possible, the outcome of which depended on the interaction between the organism and the environment. In attachment this would mean that although a developing child has a propensity to form attachments, the nature of those attachments depends on the environment to which the child is exposed.
Internal working model
Bowlby adopted the important concept of the internal working model of social relationships from the work of the philosopher Kenneth Craik, who had noted the adaptiveness of the ability of thought to predict events, and who stressed the survival value of and natural selection for this ability. According to Craik, prediction occurs when a "small-scale model" consisting of brain events is used to represent not only the external environment, but the individual's own possible actions. This model allows a person to mentally try out alternatives and to use knowledge of the past in responding to the present and future. At about the same time that Bowlby was applying Craik's ideas to the study of attachment, other psychologists were using these concepts in discussion of adult perception and cognition.
The theory of control systems (cybernetics), developing during the 1930s and '40s, influenced Bowlby's thinking. The young child's need for proximity to the attachment figure was seen as balancing homeostatically with the need for exploration. The actual distance maintained would be greater or less as the balance of needs changed; for example, the approach of a stranger, or an injury, would cause the child to seek proximity when a moment before he had been exploring at a distance.
Although research on attachment behaviours continued after Bowlby's death in 1990, there was a period when attachment theory was considered to have run its course. Some authors argued that attachment should not be seen as a trait (lasting characteristic of the individual), but instead should be regarded as an organising principle with varying behaviours resulting from contextual factors.
Related later research looked at cross-cultural differences in attachment, and concluded that there should be re-evaluation of the assumption that attachment is expressed identically in all humans. A 2007 study conducted in Sapporo found attachment distributions consistent with global norms using the six-year Main & Cassidy scoring system for attachment classification.
Interest in attachment theory continued, and the theory was later extended to adult romantic relationships by Cindy Hazen and Phillip Shaver.Peter Fonagy and Mary Target have attempted to bring attachment theory and psychoanalysis into a closer relationship by way of such aspects of cognitive science as mentalization, the ability to estimate the beliefs or intentions of another person. A "natural experiment" has permitted extensive study of attachment issues, as researchers have followed the thousands of Romanian orphans who were adopted into Western families after the end of the Ceasescu regime. The English and Romanian Adoptees Study Team, led by Michael Rutter, has followed some of the children into their teens, attempting to unravel the effects of poor attachment, adoption and new relationships, and the physical and medical problems associated with their early lives. Studies on the Romanian adoptees, whose initial conditions were shocking, have yielded reason for optimism. Many of the children have developed quite well, and the researchers have noted that separation from familiar people is only one of many factors that help to determine the quality of development.
Effects of changing times and approaches
Some authors have noted the connection of attachment theory with Western family and child care patterns characteristic of Bowlby's time. The implication of this connection is that attachment-related experiences (and perhaps attachment itself) may alter as young children's experience of care change historically. For example, changes in attitudes toward female sexuality have greatly increased the numbers of children living with their never-married mothers and being cared for outside the home while the mothers work. This social change, in addition to increasing abortion rates, has also made it more difficult for childless people to adopt infants in their own countries, and has increased the number of older-child adoptions and adoptions from third-world sources in first-world countries. Adoptions and births to same-sex couples have increased in number and even gained some legal protection, compared to their status in Bowlby's time.
One focus of attachment research has been on the difficulties of children whose attachment history was poor, including those with extensive non-parental child care experiences. Concern with the effects of child care was intense during the so-called "day care wars" of the late 20th century, during which some authors stressed the deleterious effects of day care.
As a result of this controversy, training of child care professionals has come to stress attachment issues and the need for relationship-building through techniques such as assignment of a child to a specific care provider. Although only high-quality child care settings are likely to follow through on these considerations, nevertheless a larger number of infants in child care receive attachment-friendly care than in the past, and emotional development of children in nonparental care may be different today than it was in the 1980s or in Bowlby's time.
Finally, any critique of attachment theory needs to consider how the theory has connected with changes in other psychological theories. Research on attachment issues has begun to include concepts related to behaviour genetics and to the study of temperament (constitutional factors in personality), but it is unusual for popular presentations of attachment theory to include these. Importantly, some researchers and theorists have begun to connect attachment with the study of mentalization or theory of mind, the capacity of human beings to guess with some accuracy what thoughts, emotions, and intentions lie behind behaviours as subtle as facial expression or eye movement. The connection of theory of mind with the internal working model of social relationships may open a new area of study and lead to alterations in attachment theory.
Criticism from the 1950s to the 1970s
Bowlby's colleague Ainsworth listed nine concerns that she felt were chief points of controversy related to the attachment theory precursor referred to as "maternal deprivation", a hypothesis that includes some of the tenets that later made up attachment theory.
1) The vagueness of the term "maternal deprivation" used in the description of a child's history of attachment experiences.
2) The lack of clarity of the theory's implications for experiences with multiple caregivers.
3) The implications for the theory of the degree of variability following "deprivation".
4) The question of what specific effects result from "deprivation".
5) The question of individual differences in children's reactions to separation or loss.
6) The question of the degree of permanence of specific effects of "deprivation".
7) The question of delinquency as an infrequent outcome of separation and loss.
8) The question of specifics of deprivation and whether these have to do with the caregiver or the more general environment.
9) Controversies having to do with the effects of genetic defects or of brain damage on the developmental outcome.
As the formulation of attachment theory progressed, critics commented on empirical support for the theory and for the possible alternative explanations for results of empirical research. Wootton questioned the suggestion that early attachment history (as it would now be called) had a lifelong impact.
In the 1970s, problems with the emphasis on attachment as a trait (a stable characteristic of an individual) rather than as a type of behaviour with important organising functions and outcomes, led some authors to consider that "attachment (as implying anything but infant-adult interaction) [may be said to have] outlived its usefulness as a developmental construct..." and that attachment behaviours were best understood in terms of their functions in the child's life.
Children may achieve a given function, such as a sense of security, in many different ways and the various but functionally comparable behaviours should be categorized as related to each other. This way of thinking saw the secure base concept (the organisation of exploration of an unfamiliar situation around returns to a familiar person) as "central to the logic and coherence of attachment theory and to its status as an organizational construct." Similarly, Thompson pointed out that "other features of early parent-child relationships that develop concurrently with attachment security, including negotiating conflict and establishing cooperation, also must be considered in understanding the legacy of early attachments."
Criticism from specific disciplines
From an early point in the development of attachment theory, there was criticism of the theory's lack of congruence with the various branches of psychoanalysis. Like other members of the British object-relations group, Bowlby rejected Melanie Klein's views that considered the infant to have certain mental capacities at birth and to continue to develop emotionally on the basis of fantasy rather than of real experiences. But Bowlby also withdrew from the object-relations approach (exemplified, for example, by Anna Freud), as he abandoned the "drive theory" assumptions in favor of a set of automatic, instinctual behaviour systems that included attachment. Bowlby's decisions left him open to criticism from well-established thinkers working on problems similar to those he addressed.
Bowlby was effectively ostracized from the psychoanalytic community although more recently some psychoanalysts have sought to reconcile the two theories in the form of attachment-based psychotherapy, a therapeutic approach.
Ethologists expressed concern about the adequacy of some of the research on which attachment theory was based, particularly the generalisation to humans from animal studies as not all animals are suitable for generalisation to human beings. Schur, discussing Bowlby's use of ethological concepts (pre-1960) commented that these concepts as used in attachment theory had not kept up with changes in ethology itself.
Ethologists and others writing in the 1960s and 1970s questioned the types of behaviour used as indications of attachment, and offered alternative approaches. For example, crying on separation from a familiar person was suggested as an index of attachment. Observational studies of young children in natural settings also provided behaviours that might be considered to indicate attachment; for example, in one study of toddlers in parks with their mothers, the children were observed to stay within a predictable distance of the mother without effort on her part. The children walked when moving away from the mother, but ran when returning to her. When the child saw or heard something surprising, he or she related this to the mother, looking at her while pointing to the event if at a distance, pointing and tapping her with the other hand if near. The toddlers, unexpectedly, did not follow the mother if she moved away, but most "froze" in place. Another unanticipated indication of the relationship was that the toddler picked up small objects and brought them to the mother, a behaviour that did not usually occur toward other adults who were present.
Although ethological work tended to be in agreement with Bowlby, work like that just described led to the conclusion that "[w]e appear to disagree with Bowlby and Ainsworth on some of the details of the child's interactions with its mother and other people". Some ethologists pressed for further observational data, arguing that psychologists "are still writing as if there is a real entity which is 'attachment', existing over and above the observable measures."
Robert Hinde expressed concern with the use of the word "attachment" to imply that it was an intervening variable or a hypothesised internal mechanism rather than a data term. He suggested that confusion about the meaning of attachment theory terms "could lead to the 'instinct fallacy' of postulating a mechanism isomorphous with the behaviours, and then using that as an explanation for the behaviour". However, Hinde considered "attachment behaviour system" to be an appropriate term of theory language which did not offer the same problems "because it refers to postulated control systems that determine the relations between different kinds of behaviour."
Bowlby's reliance on Piaget's theory of cognitive development gave rise to questions about object permanence (the ability to remember an object that is temporarily absent) and its connection to early attachment behaviours, and about the fact that the infant's ability to discriminate strangers and react to the mother's absence seems to occur some months earlier than Piaget suggested would be cognitively possible. More recently, it has been noted that the understanding of mental representation has advanced so much since Bowlby's day that present views can be far more specific than those of Bowlby's time.
In 1969, Gerwitz discussed how mother and child could provide each other with positive reinforcement experiences through their mutual attention and therefore learn to stay close together; this explanation would make it unnecessary to posit innate human characteristics fostering attachment. In the last decade, behaviour analysts have constructed models of attachment based on the importance of contingent relationships. These behaviour analytic models have received support from research and meta-analytic reviews.
Criticism of methodology
There has been critical discussion of conclusions drawn from clinical and observational work, and whether or not they actually support tenets of attachment theory. For example, Skuse based criticism of a basic tenet of attachment theory on the work of Anna Freud with children from Theresienstadt, who apparently developed relatively normally in spite of serious deprivation during their early years. This discussion concluded from Freud's case and from some other studies of extreme deprivation that there is an excellent prognosis for children with this background, unless there are biological or genetic risk factors.
The psychoanalyst Margaret Mahler interpreted ambivalent or aggressive behaviour of toddlers toward their mothers as a normal part of development, not as evidence of poor attachment history. Some of Bowlby's interpretations of the data reported by James Robertson were eventually rejected by the researcher, who reported data from 13 young children who were cared for in ideal circumstances during separation from their mothers. Robertson noted, "...Bowlby acknowledges that he draws mainly upon James Robertson's institutional data. But in developing his grief and mourning theory, Bowlby, without adducing non-institutional data, has generalized Robertson's concept of protest, despair and denial beyond the context from which it was derived. He asserts that these are the usual responses of young children to separation from the mother regardless of circumstance..."; however, of the 13 separated children who received good care, none showed protest and despair, but "coped with separation from the mother when cared for in conditions from which the adverse factors which complicate institutional studies were absent". In the second volume of the trilogy, Separation, published two years later, Bowlby acknowledged that Robertsons foster study had caused him to modify his views on the traumatic consequences of separation in which insufficient weight was given to the influence of skilled care from a familiar substitute.
Some authors have questioned the idea of attachment patterns, thought to be measured by techniques like the Strange Situation Protocol. Such techniques yield a taxonomy of categories considered to represent qualitative difference in attachment relationships (for example, secure attachment versus avoidant). However, a categorical model is not necessarily the best representation of individual difference in attachment. An examination of data from 1139 15-month-olds showed that variation was continuous rather than falling into natural groupings.
This criticism introduces important questions for attachment typologies and the mechanisms behind apparent types, but in fact has relatively little relevance for attachment theory itself, which "neither requires nor predicts discrete patterns of attachment." As was noted above, ethologists have suggested other behavioural measures that may be of greater importance than Strange Situation behaviour.
Criticism from the 1990s on
Recent critics such as J. R. Harris, Stephen Pinker and Jerome Kagan are generally concerned with the concept of infant determinism and stress the possible effects of later experience on personality.Harris and Pinker have put forward the notion that the influence of parents has been much exaggerated and that socialisation takes place primarily in peer groups, although H. Rudolph Schaffer concludes that parents and peers fulfill different functions and have distinctive roles in children's development.Another concern about attachment theory has to do with the fact that infants often have multiple relationships, within the family as well as in child care settings, and that the dyadic model characteristic of attachment theory cannot address the complexity of real-life social experiences.
Attachment theory in clinical practice
Clinical practice in children
Mainstream prevention programs and treatment approaches for attachment difficulties or disorders for infants and younger children are based on attachment theory and concentrate on increasing the responsiveness and sensitivity of the caregiver, or if that is not possible, placing the child with a different caregiver.
These approaches are mostly in the process of being evaluated. The programs invariably include a detailed assessment of the attachment status or caregiving responses of the adult caregiver as attachment is a two-way process involving attachment behaviour and caregiver response. Some of these treatment or prevention programs are specifically aimed at foster carers rather than parents, as the attachment behaviours of infants or children with attachment difficulties often do not elicit appropriate caregiver responses.
Outside the mainstream programs is a form of treatment generally known as attachment therapy, a subset of techniques (and accompanying diagnosis) for supposed attachment disorders including reactive attachment disorder. There is considerable criticism of this form of treatment and diagnosis as it is largely unvalidated and has developed outside the scientific mainstream.
In general, these therapies are aimed at adopted or fostered children with a view to creating attachment to their new caregivers. The theoretical base is broadly a combination of regression and catharsis, accompanied by parenting methods which emphasise obedience and parental control.There is little or no evidence base and techniques vary from non-coercive therapeutic work to more extreme forms of physical, confrontational and coercive techniques, of which the best known are holding therapy, rebirthing, rage-reduction and the Evergreen model. These forms of the therapy may well involve physical restraint, the deliberate provocation of rage and anger in the child by physical and verbal means including deep tissue massage, aversive tickling, enforced eye contact and verbal confrontation, and being pushed to revisit earlier trauma.
Critics maintain that these therapies are not within the attachment paradigm, are potentially abusive, and are antithetical to attachment theory.The APSAC Taskforce Report of 2006 notes that many of these therapies concentrate on changing the child rather than the caregiver
Reactive attachment disorder
Reactive attachment disorder—sometimes referred to by its initials, "RAD"—is a psychiatric diagnosis (DSM-IV-TR 313.89, ICD-10 F94.1/2).
The essential feature of reactive attachment disorder is markedly disturbed and developmentally inappropriate social relatedness in most contexts that begins before age five years and is associated with gross pathological care. There are two subtypes, one reflecting the disinhibited attachment pattern and the other reflecting the inhibited pattern. RAD denotes a lack of age appropriate attachment behaviours that amount to a clinical disorder rather than a description of insecure or disorganised attachment patterns or styles however problematic those styles may be.
It is thought to be rare, despite its popularisation on the Web, in connection with the pseudoscientific attachment therapy, for a range of perceived behavioural difficulties in children that are not within DSM or ICD criteria.
Attachment disorder is an ambiguous term. It may be used to refer to reactive attachment disorder, the only 'official' clinical diagnosis, or the more problematical attachment styles (although none of these are clinical disorders), or within the alternative medicine field, the pseudoscience of attachment therapy as a form of unvalidated diagnosis.
Clinical practice in adults
A form of psychoanalysis-based therapy for adults within relational psychoanalysis incorporates and uses attachment theory and attachment patterns.Other attachment-based treatment approaches can be used with adults, and there is also an approach to treating couples.Psychologist and psychoanalyst Peter Fonagy and colleagues, have applied mentalization and attachment theory concepts to developmental psychopathology in the context of attachment relationships gone awry.
Mary D. Salter Ainsworth (December 1913 - 1999) was an American developmental psychologist known for her work in early emotional attachment with "The Strange Situation" as well as her work in the development of Attachment Theory.
Mary D. Salter Ainsworth was born in Glendale, Ohio in 1913, eldest of three sisters. Her parents both graduated from Dickinson College. Her father earned his Master's in History and was transferred to a manufacturing firm in Canada when Ainsworth was five. While her parents always put a strong emphasis on education, it was William McDougall's book Character and the Conduct of Life that inspired her interest in psychology.
Ainsworth enrolled in honors program in psychology at the University of Toronto in the fall of 1929. She earned her BA in 1935, her MA in 1936, and her Ph.D in 1939, all from the University of Toronto. She stayed to teach for a few years before joining the Canadian Women's Army Corp in 1942 in World War II, reaching the rank of Major in 1945.
She returned to Toronto to continue teaching personality psychology and conduct research. She married Leonard Ainsworth in 1950 and moved to London with him to allow him to finish his graduate degree at University College.
After many other academic positions, she eventually settled at the University of Virginia in 1974, where she remained the rest of her academic career. Ainsworth received many honors, including the Award for Distinguished Contributions to Child Development in 1985 and the Distinguished Scientific Contribution Award from the APA in 1989.
While in England, Ainsworth joined the research team at Tavistock Clinic investigating the effects of maternal separation on child development. Comparison of disrupted mother-child bonds to normal mother-child relationship showed that a child's lack of a mother figure leads to "adverse development effects." In 1954, she left Tavistock Clinic to do research in Africa, where she carried out her longitudinal field study of mother-infant interaction.
She and her colleagues developed the Strange Situation Procedure, which is a widely used, well researched and validated, method of assessing an infant's pattern and style of attachment to a caregiver
A Strange Situation
In the 1960s, Ainsworth devised a procedure, called A Strange Situation, to observe attachment relationships between a caregiver and child.
In this procedure the child is observed playing for 20 minutes while caregivers and strangers enter and leave the room, recreating the flow of the familiar and unfamiliar presence in most children's lives. The situation varies in stressfulness and the child's responses are observed. The child experiences the following situations:
Parent and infant are introduced to the experimental room.
Parent and infant are alone. Parent does not participate while infant explores.
Stranger enters, converses with parent, then approaches infant. Parent leaves inconspicuously.
First separation episode: Stranger's behavior is geared to that of infant.
First reunion episode: Parent greets and comforts infant, then leaves again.
Second separation episode: Infant is alone.
Continuation of second separation episode: Stranger enters and gears behavior to that of infant.
Second reunion episode: Parent enters, greets infant, and picks up infant; stranger leaves inconspicuously.
Two aspects of the child's behavior are observed:
• The amount of exploration (e.g. playing with new toys) the child engages in throughout.
• The child's reactions to the departure and return of its caregiver.
On the basis of their behaviors, the children can be categorized into three groups. Each of these groups reflects a different kind of attachment relationship with the caregiver.
A child who is securely attached to its mother will explore freely while the mother is present, will engage with strangers, will be visibly upset when the mother departs, and happy to see the mother return. Will not engage with stranger if mother is not in the room.
Securely attached children are best able to explore when they have the knowledge of a secure base to return to in times of need (also known as "rapprochement", meaning in French "bring together"). When assistance is given, this bolsters the sense of security and also, assuming the mother's assistance is helpful, educates the child in how to cope with the same problem in the future. Therefore, secure attachment can be seen as the most adaptive attachment style. According to some psychological researchers, a child becomes securely attached when the mother is available and able to meet the needs of the child in a responsive and appropriate manner. Others have pointed out that there are also other determinants of the child's attachment, and that behavior of the parent may in turn be influenced by the child's behavior.
Anxious-ambivalent insecure attachment
A child with an anxious-resistant attachment style is anxious of exploration and of strangers, even when the mother is present. When the mother departs, the child is extremely distressed. The child will be ambivalent when she returns - seeking to remain close to the mother but resentful, and also resistant when the mother initiates attention. When reunited with the mother, the baby may also hit or push his mother when she approaches and fail to cling to her when she picks him up.
According to some psychological researchers, this style develops from a mothering style which is engaged but on the mother's own terms. That is, sometimes the child's needs are ignored until some other activity is completed and that attention is sometimes given to the child more through the needs of the parent than from the child's initiation.
Anxious-avoidant insecure attachment
A child with an anxious-avoidant attachment style will avoid or ignore the mother - showing little emotion when the mother departs or returns. The child may run away from his mother when she approaches and fail to cling to her when she picks him up. The child will not explore very much regardless of who is there. Strangers will not be treated much differently from the mother. There is not much emotional range displayed regardless of who is in the room or if it is empty.
This style of attachment develops from a mothering style which is more disengaged. The child's needs are frequently not met and the child comes to believe that communication of needs has no influence on the mother.
Critique of the Strange Situation Protocol
Professor Sir Michael Rutter describes the procedure in the following terms in 'The Clinical Implications of Attachment Concepts' from the Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, Volume 36 No 4, pp. 552-553,
"It is by no means free of limitations (see Lamb, Thompson, Gardener, Charnov & Estes, 1984). To begin with, it is very dependent on brief separations and reunions having the same meaning for all children. This maybe a major constraint when applying the procedure in cultures, such as that in Japan (see Miyake et al,, 1985), where infants are rarely separated from their mothers in ordinary circumstances. Also, because older children have a cognitive capacity to maintain relationships when the older person is not present, separation may not provide the same stress for them. Modified procedures based on the Strange Situation have been developed for older preschool children (see Belsky et al., 1994; Greenberg et al., 1990) but it is much more dubious whether the same approach can be used in middle childhood. Also, despite its manifest strengths, the procedure is based on just 20 minutes of behavior. It can be scarcely expected to tap all the relevant qualities of a child's attachment relationships. Q-sort procedures based on much longer naturalistic observations in the home, and interviews with the mothers have developed in order to extend the data base (see Vaughn & Waters, 1990). A further constraint is that the coding procedure results in discrete categories rather than continuously distributed dimensions. Not only is this likely to provide boundary problems, but also it is not at all obvious that discrete categories best represent the concepts that are inherent in attachment security. It seems much more likely that infants vary in their degree of security and there is need for a measurement systems that can quantify individual variation".
Ecological validity and universality of Strange Situation attachment classification distributions
With respect to the ecological validity of the Strange Situation, a meta-analysis of 2,000 infant-parent dyads, including several from studies with non-Western language and/or cultural bases found the global distribution of attachment categorizations to be A (21%), B (65%), and C (14%) This global distribution was generally consistent with Ainsworth et al.'s (1978) original attachment classification distributions.
However, controversy has been raised over a few cultural differences in these rates of 'global' attachment classification distributions. In particular, two studies diverged from the global distributions of attachment classifications noted above. One study was conducted in North Germany in which more avoidant (A) infants were found than global norms would suggest, and the other in Sapporo, Japan where more resistant (C) infants were found. Of these two studies, the Japanese findings have sparked the most controversy as to the meaning of individual differences in attachment behavior as originally identified by Ainsworth et al. (1978).
In a recent study conducted in Sapporo, Behrens, et al., 2007. found attachment distributions consistent with global norms using the six-year Main & Cassidy scoring system for attachment classification. In addition to these findings supporting the global distributions of attachment classifications in Sapporo, Behrens et al. also discuss the Japanese concept of amae and its relevance to questions concerning whether the insecure-resistant (C) style of interaction may be engendered in Japanese infants as a result of the cultural practice of amae.
Attachment measurement: discrete or continuous?
Regarding the issue of whether the breadth of infant attachment functioning can be captured by a categorical classification scheme, it should be noted that continuous measures of attachment security have been developed which have demonstrated adequate psychometric properties. These have been used either individually or in conjunction with discrete attachment classifications in many published reports [see Richters et al., 1998; van Ijzendoorn et al., 1990).
The original Richter’s et al. (1998) scale is strongly related to secure versus insecure classifications, correctly predicting about 90% of cases . Readers further interested in the categorical versus continuous nature of attachment classifications (and the debate surrounding this issue) should consult the paper by Fraley and Spieker and the rejoinders in the same issue by many prominent attachment researchers including J. Cassidy, A. Sroufe, E. Waters & T. Beauchaine, and M. Cummings.
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